Episodes of the podcast, EPITOME, Volume 1.Hosted by Bob Gonzalez, EPITOME is a series of brief encounters with great ideas in the form of story, essay, speech, epistle, poetry, drama, and soundscapes. The core theme is TIME, its fleeting nature, its physical and psychological nature, its perception
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Episodes of the podcast, EPITOME, Volume 1.Hosted by Bob Gonzalez, EPITOME is a series of brief encounters with great ideas in the form of story, essay, speech, epistle, poetry, drama, and soundscapes. The core theme is TIME, its fleeting nature, its physical and psychological nature, its perception through the ages. But the ideas presented will range across the entire gamut of human knowledge, at least as far-ranging as its host can span.Subscribe on iTunes: https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/epitome/id1238219720Represented on
EPITOME will be the voice of philosophers, storytellers, poets, orators,
essayists, critics, social commentators, mystics, dramatists, performers,
anyone with anything worthy to say and pass on to you, our listeners. Some
episodes will even feature me, your host, expounding an original essay, memoir,
meditation on some wise saying, or anything your host finds interesting and wish to
share.In brief, we
will present an almost infinite range of topics and deliver them as often as
possible, if not as regularly as could be expected.Epictetus, Stoic, Alice Meynell, Confucius, Francois de la Rochefoucauld, Lord Dunsany, Abraham Lincoln, Horace Greeley, Edgar Allan Poe, Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, Baltasar Gracián, Siddhartha Gautama, The Buddha, William Blake, Benjamin Franklin, Laotze, Lao Tzu, Lao Zi, Dao De Jing, Tao Te Ching, Henry David Thoreau, Aesop, James Allen, Charles Augustin saint-Beuve, Greek myth, ...EPITOME VOLUME 2: https://archive.org/details/Epitome_Vol_02
EPITOME VOLUME 3: https://archive.org/details/Epitome_Volume_3
for Sunday, June 11th 2017. This is epitome Episode nine Abraham Lincoln on the preservation of the Union. The great ideas, This episode, Our freedom, The great cause that's prompted our fight for independence from Great Britain in the Revolutionary War and political union, the binding together of diverse peoples as a nation. As the declaration of independence was being ratified, a great debate arose in Congress over the hypocrisy of enslaving African peoples while fighting for the cause of freedom. This issue was conceded in order for the declaration to be adopted, but the debate continued to rage until it caused the attempted cessation of Southern states from the union and the subsequent US civil war. In this 18 62 epistolary exchange between Horace Greeley, the founder and editor of the New York Tribune, who used his post to fight for abolition, and Abraham Lincoln, the 16th president of the United States, both sides clarify their positions on the issue of freedom, slavery and the preservation of the union, from Horace Greeley to Abraham Lincoln, president of the United States. Dear sir, I do not intrude to tell you for you must know already that a great proportion of those who triumphed in your election and of all who desire the unqualified suppression of the rebellion. Now desolate ing, our country are sorely disappointed and deeply pained by the policy you seem to be pursuing with regard to the slaves of rebels. I write only to set succinctly and unmistakably before you what we require, what we think we have a right to expect and of what we complain. We think you are strangely and disastrously remiss in the discharge of your official and imperative duty with regard to the emancipating provisions of the New Confiscation Act. Those provisions were designed to fight slavery with the liberty they prescribed, that men loyal to the union and willing to shed their blood in her behalf shall no longer be held with nations consent in bondage to persistent, malignant traitors who for 20 years have been plotting and for 16 months have been fighting to divide and destroy our country. Why these traitors should be treated with tenderness by you to the prejudice of loyal men we cannot conceive. We think you are unduly influenced by the council's the representation, the menaces of certain fossil politicians hailing from the border slave states. It seems to us the most obvious truth that whatever strengthens or fortifies slavery in the border states strengthens also treason and drives home the wedge intended to divide the union. We complained that the union cause has suffered and is now suffering immensely from the mistaken deference to rebel slavery. Had Yusor in your inaugural address unmistakably given notice that in case the rebellion already commenced were persisted in and your efforts to preserve the union and enforce the laws should be resisted by armed force, you would recognize no loyal person has rightfully held in slavery by a traitor. We believe the rebellion would there in have received a staggering, if not fatal, blow. We complain that the confiscation act, which you approved, is habitually disregarded by your generals and that no word of rebuke for them from you has yet reached the public ear. Fremont's proclamation and hunters order favoring emancipation were promptly annulled by you. We complained that you, Mr President, elected as a Republican, knowing well what an abomination slavery is and how emphatically it is. The core and essence of this atrocious rebellion seem never to interfere with these atrocities, and never give a direction to your military subordinates on the face of this wide earth. Mr. President, there is not one dis interested, determined, intelligent champion of the union cause who does not feel that all attempts to put down the rebellion and at the same time uphold its inciting cause are preposterous and futile that the rebellion, if crushed out tomorrow, would be renewed within a year if slavery were left in full vigor. I close as I began with statement that what an immense majority of the loyal millions of your countrymen require of you is a frank declared unqualified Ungh, Rudge ing execution of the laws of the land. More especially of the Confiscation act. That act gives freedom to the slaves of rebels coming within our lines or whom those lines may at any time and close. We ask that you render it due obedience by publicly requiring all your subordinates to recognize and obey it. Horace Greeley, President Lincoln replied as follows. Executive Mansion, Washington, August 22 18 62 Honorable Horace Greeley. Dear sir, I have just read yours of the 19th addressed to myself through the New York Tribune. If they're being at any statements or assumptions of fact, which I may know to be erroneous. I do not here and now contra vert them. If they're being at any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not here and now argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I wave it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to be right As to the policy I seem to be pursuing. As you say, I have not meant to leave anyone in doubt. I would save the union. I would save it in the shortest way. Under the Constitution, the sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the union will be the union as it waas. If there be those who would not save the union unless they could at the same time saves slavery. I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the union, and it is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the union without freeing any slave, I would do it. And if I could save the union by freeing all the slaves than I would do it. And if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race I do because I believe it helps to save the union and what I forbear. I forbear because I do not believe it would save the union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause and I shall doom. Or whenever I shall believe more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors. And I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. I have offered here my stated purpose according to my view of official duty. And I intend no modification of my oft expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free. Yours a Lincoln until our next episode. This is Bob Gonzalez wishing you the very best time of your life.